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Marianne Moore

Creatrix, London
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Brutalised and Divided: The USA's Villain Origin Story

July 03, 2026

On its 250th birthday, it is safe to say that the USA is one of the most influential countries in the world. It says it is a global super-power, but it acts like a global super-villain.

There is a reason that the USA acts as it does today, and that reason is in its brutal origins.

Born as an English colony in 1600s, by the time it declared independence in 1776 its white male elite had managed to set up a male hierarchy, break down allegiances between poor white and black men, and set both against the indigenous Americans. This was a very effective divide and rule strategy: with the enmity between each group so consuming that they did not even think to unite against the ruling elite who held them all down.

Much of this was done using the law as a tool. This is the story of how they did it.

Importing English Inequality   

When the English elite decided to colonise the Americas, there was a tragically ‘anything goes’ mentality, that would create something brutal. King James I claimed what is now South Carolina all the way up the east coast to Canada in his original 1606 charter for the Virginia Company and the Plymouth Company. He gave them permission “to make habitacion, plantacion and to deduce a colonie… at any Place upon the said-Coast of Virginia or America where they shall think fit and convenient.”.[1]

The first group of English to arrive on what would eventually become the USA in 1607, included a disproportionate number of aristocrats and gentlemen. The Virginia Company had rounded up 105 English soldiers and other chancers out to make their fortune. No women boarded the three ships destined for Virginia. John Smith, who would end up the first Governor, was just twenty six and had already fought in numerous wars. Engraved on his coat of arms was his motto, ‘vincere est vivere’ – ‘to conquer is to live’. On the journey with him he counted one carpenter, two blacksmiths some footmen as well as, “gentlemen, Tradesmen, Servingmen, libertines, and such like.”[2] These already wealthy men were principally in search of more wealth.[3]

Profit making was always the top priority of the Company. James I had granted the colonists the right to, “dig, mine, and search for all Manner of Mines of Gold, Silver and Copper.” [4] The plan was to set up capitalist agriculture based on the English style, with landlords, tenants and wage labourers, distinguished only by the fact that the landlord was an absentee (back in England).[5]

The 1606 charter decreed that the King would appoint a thirteen man council in England to oversee the colonies, and that the settlers would establish their own thirteen man council to govern themselves.[6] John Smith was elected the colony’s Governor in 1608 and the officers of the Virginia company ruled it, first as a draconian military dictatorship, and then as a draconian civilian administration, but always for their best interests and profit. The officers included a succession of veteran officers from the wars in Ireland and the Netherlands. As a result, the Early farmers and labourers were subject to the severities of the military code: “Lawes Divine, Morall, and Martiall,” whose punishments included: cutting off ears, boring through the tongue, whipping offenders through the town tied to a cart, banishment from the colony to the wilderness, and inducement of premature birth and infanticide by the whipping of pregnant women. These were for offenses as minor as speaking ill of a master or official, stealing food from a master’s store, and failure to complete a work task.[7]

Once open military dictatorship was over, the colony was governed by a newly created General Assembly, the Colony Council and General Court. Those high up in the company used their legal authority to secure special advantages, succeeding each other in various high offices. Making up the Colony Council, they determined the local laws and controlled the public stores of food, arms and gunpowder. As the Virginia General Court, colony council members dispensed judgments as harsh as they pleased.[8]

Starving and Subjugating

Powhatan, the leader of the indigenous people the English had landed among, was made an elaborate show of diplomacy by John Smith in 1608. He was crowned “king” and given gifts, by which the English intended that he had acknowledged his submission to the crown. Meanwhile, the inept soldiers and gentlemen, unwilling or unable to clear fields and or plant and harvest their own crops, stole stores of corn and beans from Powhatan’s people.[9]

The Jamestown colony was unable to feed itself and it was not long before it was starving. The colonists decided that they would force the farmers of the Powhatan Confederacy to provide them with corn. John Smith threatened to kill all their women and children if they would not feed and clothe the settlers as well as provide them with land and labour. When they didn’t, war against the Powhatans was declared in August 1609 and the destruction of the Powhatans became the order of the day.[10] Still hungry the colonists revolted and sent John Smith back to England saying that his leadership was “a misery, a ruine, a death, a hell.” That winter what had become five hundred colonists were reduced to sixty.[11]

The war dragged on for a year, the colony’s lieutenant governor George Percy, the eighth son of the earl of Northumberland reporting that “many, through extreme hunger, have run out of their naked beds being so lean that they looked like anatomies, crying out, we are starved, we are starved”, and reporting that, “one of our Colline murdered his wife Ripped the Childe outt of her woambe and threwe it into the River and after Chopped the Mother in pieces and salted her for his food.”[12] In 1610, the new English governor, Thomas West, ordered forces mobilised by George Percy "to take revenge" and destroy the Indigenous population. In his report following the assault, Percy gloated over the gruesome details of killing all the Powhatan children. Nevertheless, despite the terrorizing tactics of the settlers, the Powhatans were able to protect their grain storage buildings and force the Jamestown settlers to retreat back to their colonial fortress.[13]

After the war, the Jamestown Governors were able to force the Powhatan into supplying the colony with corn through trade. Despite having escaped annihilation from starvation, the directors of the colonial companies were obsessed with the benefits of tobacco cultivation for the colony, as it had a quick turnover and profits for them.[14] Corn cultivation on the colony was deliberately restricted and tobacco cultivation demanded. The only way for farmers and labourers to get food and other goods was through the Powhatans and the English – whose relationship the governors controlled. So, the aristocratic British elite controlled the land, determined the local laws and controlled the public stores of food, arms and gunpowder. They also commanded the special bodies of armed men who enforced “order”, the colony’s relations with the mother country and with the indigenous Americans.[15]

Up the east coast a new colony was established in Plymouth. Prior to the ship the Mayflower’s arrival in 1620, smallpox had killed the many of the indigenous Pequot fishing and farming communities in the area. This allowed the new settlers to move in to what would become Maryland. But once the Pequot communities had recovered, the Maryland settlers saw them as a threat to their expansion into Connecticut, so they began a war of annihilation, entering Indigenous villages and killing women and children or taking them hostage. When only two hundred half-starved Pequots of the original two thousand remained, the colony commissioned mercenaries to burn the few remaining homes and fields. The other Indigenous nations of the region assessed what was in store for them and accepted tributary status under the colonial authority.[16]

Meanwhile in Virginia, the Powhatans organized a stronger confederacy in retaliation. In 1622, they attacked all the English settlements along the James River, killing 350—a third of the settler population. Unable to eliminate the indigenous population by force of arms, the colonists then resorted to a "feedfight," – a systematic destruction of all the Indigenous agricultural resources.[17]

After this attack, illogically, the authorities issued more rather than less restrictions on planting corn. Together with a ban on hunting for food in the forests this left the colony again with a massive food supply problem. The monopolists who controlled the trade of corn were able to profiteer by setting the prices. The price of corn was 10-15 shillings per bushel in winter 1622 but by 1623 the price had octulpled to twenty shillings per bushel.[18]

From 1922 onwards, the settlers continuously raided Indigenous villages and fields with the goal of getting food for themselves but also starving the indigenous people out of the area. This culminated in the Tidewater War (1644-46) whereby the few indigenous families that remained in eastern Virginia fell under the absolute dominance of the English. Now, in the absence of indigenous sources of food and labour, the colonists brought in indentured European labourers to do the work.[19]

The Servant Trade

At the early stages of the Virginia colony there were five officially recognised social classes. Two of them were the owning class: gentlemen and the freemen, small independent farmers and self-employed artisans. The other three were the dependent labouring classes: the tenants-at-halves, the hired labourers, and the apprentices. [20]

The colony needed cheap labour and the elite back in England were keen to rid themselves of the huge amount of poor people they had recently created by enclosing the common land. So, a win-win situation was devised whereby the Virginia colony would be supplied with surplus English poor.

In 1617, the English Privy Council issued a warrant for the transportation of a number of “malefactors” then being held in custody in England, to Virginia. In 1619, a hundred prisoners were sent along with Irish people who had been kidnapped from their own country during the plantation of Ulster to be “servants”.  In 1618, the London Common Council and the Virginia company agreed upon the “taking up” of one hundred homeless boys and girls aged eight to sixteen for shipment to Virginia. A year later, the Company congratulated itself and the city fathers on the successful delivery of the full one hundred, minus “such as dyed on the waie.” The Company then proposed a renewal for another one hundred but this time aged “twelve years old and upward.” Fifty young people were delivered in 1620, called “Duty Boys” after the name of the ship. The Duty boys were to be apprenticed, bound to labour for their masters for seven years, and to receive no wages except their board and keep. During 1618-22 considerable effort was made to recruit more “vagrant children” mainly, but not exclusively from London, to work in Virginia.[21]

Women were also imported as a monopoly trade of the Virginia company. Between August 1619 and April 1620, ninety “young maids to make wives” were shipped from England. They were listed on the cargo as “provisions” and sold on arrival. Another shipment of women on board The George in 1621 were to be sold at, “120 lbs weight of the best leafe Tobacco.” The price of women on the Warwick a month later was increased to 150 lbs of tobacco. The Company decided who was eligible for buying and marrying these women – they were only to be sold “to freemen or tenants as have means to maintain them.” Indeed, one labourer complained that women were so “well sold” that a poor man could “never get possession of one.”[22]

In the early years of the colony the form of labour conformed to English law and practices with labourers working under mutually binding contracts and assured some propertied status at the end of the term. However, there began a practice of reneging on agreements made with labourers before their departure once they arrived in the colony. Rather than having the entitlements they had agreed to, they were transferred immediately to another employer with worse terms. This practice of transferring a labourer from the service of one master to another meant that no longer was the contract for labour an agreement entered into between the labourer and the employer; it was now a transaction between two employers, reducing them to chattel like status. Many knew it was wrong. Worried friends and family of those transported to Virginia pressed the Company Court but not much was done, labourers complained in letters home: “sold… like a damd slvae!” raged one. Yet although this practice was acknowledged as a violation of their contractual rights by the Virginia company in London, the Governor of Virginia got nothing more than a telling off. Indeed, they were complicit. At the liquidation of the Virginia company in 1623, the Privy Council in England gifted Governor Yeardley twenty tenants and twelve boys that had been left by the company to dispose of, “to his best advantage and benefit.” Many of the Duty Boys when they completed their seven-year team were not promoted to tenants-at-halves as they should have been but were divided up among the Governor and members of the colony council.

In 1622 and 1623 there began a custom that a newly arrived labourer would have to work for free for a specified length of time to pay off the cost of his transportation. Labourers had a specified number of years that they were compelled to work for free. Many contracts were set by the “custom of the country”, at first this was four years, but in 1661 it was increased to five years. The Virginia colony established a system of one-way bondage, in which the labourer could not end the tie to the capitalist; but the capitalist could end the tie with his worker.[23]

This exploitation led to a thriving "servant trade" bringing chattel labourers from Britain. In England, men and women were sold for £2 per head. Or, if they were already in captivity as convicts or workhouse inmates, less. By 1637, when the good ship Tristram and Jane arrived in Virginia, all but two of its seventy-six passengers were bond-labourers to be offered for sale.[24] The majority of these were involuntary labourers who fell into two categories; 1) those who came under sentence as convicted felons and political prisoners including captives taken in civil war in England, Scotland and Ireland. 2) those who were kidnapped - taken by “sprits” - so called because they spirited their victims away, either by force or deception. The few voluntary labourers came under indenture contracts.

Importing the poor, women and men of low status was extremely profitable for merchants and investors. Merchants could generally count on a profit of from 50 to 200 percent on the sale of their bond-labourers once at the colony. The shipment of convicts to be plantation bond-labourers was an especially profitable branch of the trade as it was subsidised by the English Government. James Revel arrived in Virginia some time before 1680 at eighteen years of age, having been sentenced to fourteen years' bond-servitude. The convicts who survived the voyage were sold by the ship's captain for his own or his employer's account. Until 1683, captains of ships delivering European bond-labourers received an additional bonus, a fifty-acre ‘head-right’ of land on each one, a claim that the shippers almost invariably sold rather than entering into the cultivation of tobacco themselves.[25]

In all, some 92,000 European immigrants were brought to Virginia and Maryland between 1607 and 1682. More than three-quarters of them were chattel bond-labourers, the great majority English with a few Scots and Irish.[26] 

Degrading the labourers and tenants to chattels  

In order to increase the profitability of their free bond-labour force, the colonial governments began to use the law to bind the labourers to them for longer periods.

In 1626, the criminal law began to be used to extend bond-labourers servitude as a form of punishment. In Virginia, the penalty for running away was fixed at two days extra servitude for every one day of absence, and in 1666 in Maryland it was ten days for each day of absence. After running away, John Joyce was sentenced by the General Court to thirty lashes and a total of five and a half years extra labour. In 1626, Henry Carman, one of the Duty boys, was sentenced to seven years added unpaid labour for “fornication”. ‘Pass Laws’ in Virginia in 1643 and 1663, and in Maryland in 1671, made a labouring person subject to arrest as a fugitive unless he or she had a pass signed by their owner or other officially designated person, meaning enterprising employers could retain labourers past their release date even though they were entitled to be free. In 1662 the penalty for hog-stealing was two years' added servitude for each hog, and a law passed in 1679 made the third offense punishable by death.[27]

The punishments for run away labourers became more and more extreme. In Virginia for a repetition of the offense of running away the labourer was to be branded on the shoulder with a hot iron R, and in Maryland in 1641, the death penalty was provided. Sheriffs would receive payment for arrests, pillorying and whipping in both Virginia and in Maryland incentivising them to prosecute.[28]

It is easy to see why the colony began to experience such a problem with running away, the masters of bond-labourers were allowed to get away with treating them with brutality and hardship. There were both extreme cases of murder and rape as well as the routine cases of illicit extension of servitude and deprivation of food and clothing. There is no way of knowing how many bond-labourers died as a result of starvation, or overwork, or by physical abuse by their owners or on their owners' orders in seventeenth-century Virginia and Maryland. There were at least half a dozen murders of bond-labourers by their owners. A law passed by the Virginia Assembly in 1662 forbidding secret burials is clear evidence that such occurrences, were frequent. There were instances of courts ordering that a bond-labourer be sold away from an abusive master. But even on those extremely rare occasions, the owners were not penalized other than by being fined a relatively small amount of tobacco. [29]

Not content with chattel status of the labourers, the elite of the colony also sought to subjugate the poorer free-men (tenants) to such a position of servitude. They began a process of robbing them of their rights and status.[30] Because tenant farmers were compelled to plant profitable tobacco at the expense of necessary food stuffs like corn, and the monopolists controlled the corn trade, the cost of corn was rising, while the price of tobacco was falling due to overproduction. The plantation elite fixed the exchange rate of tobacco effectively making it worth half what it was while at the same tenants were compelled to pay extortionate prices for corn to get them through the year. This imbalance forced them into debt, and many had to be “rented out” to private planters to pay their debts. One ex-tenant John Radish became a “rented out” tenant-at-halve who found himself so destitute late in 1622 that he was compelled by necessity to work for his master for food and clothing only, or die of starvation. Many tenants were compelled to submit to the status of unpaid bond-labourers - indentured servitude.[31]

By 1650s, England was in a mess. From 1642 it had been in civil war and by 1649 it had beheaded its king Charles I and was now under the control of the military dictator Oliver Cromwell. In the chaos of the period, twenty thousand dissenters fled England and settled in New England between 1630 and 1640 founding a new colony in Massachusetts Bay.[32]

Controlling Women

There was an extremely high ratio of men to women in the early colonies and this imbalance made it easier for women to be dominated.[33] As we have seen, the few women who were there had been sold to farmers as wives or tricked into bond-labouring.

The American colonies inherited British male supremacism as a fundamental premise of colonial life. Crimes against, and abuse of women by men of all classes such as uxoricide (wife killing), rape, denial of access to food, eviction, sexual abuse, economic exploitation, and battery seem to have been rife and only sometimes came to the notice of the courts.[34] In general, the seduction, abandonment and sexual exploitation of many women, particularly those most vulnerable – the bond labourers - was a regular occurrence.[35] In a double standard, a woman was punished more harshly than men if they killed their spouse – she was not just hanged, she was gibbeted - left in chains to rot for years in public as an example.[36]

Like in England, women once married became a feme covert, meaning her legal identity was subsumed into her husbands, and they became “one person in law.”[37] This meant, as the English legalist Blackstone said, the law made “the husband the complete controller of the being, the mind, the will and the body of his wife.”[38]

In order to keep them silent, women were punished for speaking their minds. In colonial towns and villages, as in England, women were criminalised for being “gossips” and “scolds”. They could be gagged and placarded with a description of their crime, and made to stand in the market square. Their tongues could be fastened with a cleft stick or they might be sentenced to the “ducking stool”. In Virginia in 1634, Betsey Tucker the wife of John Tucker was subjected to this water-based torture because she, “by ye violence of her tongue has made his house and ye neighbourhood uncomfortable.” Betsey Tucker was tied to a machine and ducked five times head first in the pond before she begged her persecutors to stop and agreed to “sin no more.” She then walked home in her wet clothes. [39]

Masters controlled the sexuality of their female bond-labourers who were forbidden sexual relationships. In normal English capitalist conditions, the right to marry was exercised by anyone except apprentices who needed the permission of their masters. But in Virginia, marriage was fundamentally incompatible with the bond labourer’s chattel status. A law of 1643 forbade bond-labourers from marrying and the punishment was one years’ extra servitude. Despite being forbidden to marry, they were granted no exemption from the laws against sexual activity: "fornication" and "adulterie" were punishable by a fine for those who could pay it, or whipping or two or three months' imprisonment.[40]

Severe penalties were imposed on female bond-labourers who became pregnant, because her pregnancy, child-bearing and childcare responsibilities took her away from her labour and subsequently lost her employer money.[41] In both Virginia and Maryland in the middle of the seventeenth century, labourer mothers were subject to extended servitude for the owner's "loss of service" on account of the “distractions” resulting from her child-bearing and rearing. In 1662, both the Virginia and Maryland Assemblies fixed an added period of unpaid labour at two years, and in addition to the obligation for "lost time," the mother was subject to be publicly whipped on her bare back. A Maryland court in 1658 called for it to be continued until the count reached thirty but the Virginia statute of 1662 specified that the lashing continue “until the blood flowed.”[42]

Separating Servants from Slaves

The early American colonies had a predominantly European labour force. In 1650 there were only about 500 people of African descent in Virginia working alongside British labourers.[43] No more than about one in every four or five bond labourers was an African-American even as late as 1670s and 1680s. African and European descended bond labourers would run away together, rebel together and otherwise plot to escape their servitude.[44] At this point in time “White people” as a designation of a group or “race” did not exist and the colour of a person’s skin was only commented on as a non-political descriptor.[45]

Yet, from the late 1640s there was a growing lobby to make African American bond servitude last for a life-time. A law of 1660 restricted term-limited bonds to people from “Christian” nations, distinguishing them from bond-labourers of African origin. A law of 1661 specifying punishment for runaway bond-labourers referred to, "any negroes who are incapable of making satisfaction by addition of time” implying that this attempt at having lifetime bondage was working. A law passed in 1670 condemned indigenous American adult bond labourers to more than twice the term of the English bond-labourers and required indigenous children to be bound until the age of 30 – six years longer than English child bond labouerers. In 1672, the General Assembly enacted a law "for the apprehension and suppression of runawayes, negroes and slaves."[46]

At the same time, the English increased their involvement in the trade of people from Africa. In 1660, the Company of Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa was established by the English King Charles II (changing its name to the Royal Africa Company in 1672).[47] In 1663, the English government re-chartered the company, for the first time listing the trade in “human chattels” among its purposes. This eventuated in the Second Anglo-Dutch War (1665-67) won by the British and resulting in the Treaty of Broda which gave the Anglo- American plantation colonies more secure direct access to African bond-labourers. By the mid 1670s, some 250 bond-labourers were brought directly from West Africa in ships under contract to the Royal African Company. King Charles II made at least £6 per year from the labour of each African bond-labourer in Virginia.[48] The majority of Africans bought by English traders were Bantu speakers from the area around what is now Senegambia. Some were Akan speakers from what is now Ghana, and Igbo speakers from what is now Nigeria.[49]

At this point, in 1676, a rebellion broke out which was to cement elite fears about their subjugated labour force: it was not happy, and it was united. It was named after the man who led it: Nathaniel Bacon.[50] Bacon’s rebellion began as a dispute among the elite, led to war against the indigenous Americans and ended up a popular rebellion against the colony elite.[51] In 1670, a law had been enacted that stripped many free men of the vote so that only landowners and home owners could vote in elections.[52] At the same time, the settler population of Virginia had mushroomed and English tobacco farmers were encroaching on the lands of the Susquehannock people. When war broke out with them in 1676, the Virginia colony formed a mounted force of 125 men to range through Susquehannock villages. Settler-farmers along with landless indentured bond-labourers of both European and African origin took into their own hands the slaughter of Susquehannocks with the aim of taking their land.[53] Then these men rose up together to challenge the British elite. The rebellion demonstrated both the unification of African and European labourers, farmers and small landowners, and their shared animosity towards the indigenous people.

This allegiance in Bacon’s rebellion exacerbated elite fears and meant that they stamped down hard with tactics of divide and rule.[54] The colonial governments introduced racial oppression by 1) reducing the status of African-American and Indigenous bond-labourers in relation to the European ones, 2) stripping free African-American men of their free status, 3) elevating the European bond-servants and freeman above those of African and indigenous decent. [55]

Deliberately and strategically, the planter class created a cultural and legal distinction between “servants” (European bond-labourers) and “slaves” (African and indigenous American lifetime bond-labourers).[56] Slavery and its laws had disappeared from England by the fourteenth century. Now it was brought back.[57]  After the rebellion, a law of 1676 said any indigenous person captured in war was to be reduced to a slave for life, and six years later this was extended to any person purchased from indigenous tribes.[58] The plantation elite then imposed lifetime, hereditary bond-servitude on Africans and African-Americans.[59] Ill treatment of African or indigenous slaves was allowed by the law. In 1669 it was said that owners who killed their African or indigenous lifetime bond-labourers under "correction" were "acquit from molestation" on the grounds that it would not be reasonable that an owner would destroy his own property with malice forethought." Three years later, this immunity from prosecution was extended to any person who killed "any negroe, molatto, Indian slave, or servant for life" as a runaway.[60] The Maryland Provincial Court decision of 1767 confirmed that, "a slave had no recourse against the violator of his bed,” legalising the rape of slaves.[61] 

Before 1676, free non-bondaged African-Americans had significant land, made contracts for work or for credit, engaged in commercial and land transactions, and in court proceedings they stood on the same footing as European-Americans.[62] This began to change. In 1670, the General Assembly made it illegal for African-American planters to buy "Christian" bond-labourers, limiting them to the purchase of persons "of their owne nation.”[63] African-Americans lost their right to testify before a court, to engage in any kind of commercial activity, to hold property, to participate in the political process, to congregate in public places with more than two or three of their fellows, and they were excluded from the armed militia, prohibited from travelling without permission, and unable to engage in legal marriage or parenthood.[64] Whereas previously, lifetime African bond-labourers had been allowed to own and raise livestock, in 1692 and in 1705 livestock raised by African-American bond-labourers were ordered to be confiscated. Free African-Americans became subject to thirty lashes at the public whipping post for "[lifting] his or her hand" against any European-American, and forbidden from possessing "any gun, powder, shot, or any club, or any other weapon whatsoever, offensive or defensive.” [65] Men of African descent were stripped of the full range of opportunity and resources within the colonial society. Freedoms were now only fully available to white men, and a person of African descent was prevented from being in a position of authority relative to a “white” person.

The term “white” was used for the first time by the colonial elite to drive a wedge between European and African bond-labourers based on skin-colour. “White” labourers were given a superiority over their fellow labourers of African descent and members of native tribes on the premise that they shared a superior whiteness with the elites. Rather than enhancing the white bond-labourers status in relation to the elites, they reserved the worst brutalities for African and indigenous labourers. For example, Virginian lawmakers prohibited the beating or whipping of a Christian “white” servant while naked without an order from the justice of the peace, but placed no restriction on whipping those of native tribes or of African decent. [66] Any owner of an African-American, could legally use or abuse his African-American bond-laborers, practically without hindrance, or dispose of him or, her by gift, bequest, sale, or rental as a matter of course. By a law enacted in 1691, he was forbidden to set them free. Yet a revised Virginia code of 1705 formalised the “freedom dues” for white bond-labourers: "to every male servant, ten bushels of corn, thirty shillings in money (or the equivalent in goods), a gun worth at least twenty shillings; and to every woman servant, fifteen bushels of corn, forty shillings in money (or the equivalent in goods).”[67] Between 1690s and 1730s Virginia’s landowning elite pushed for legislation that set “British and other whites” apart from indigenous Americans, “mulattos”, and those of African descent.[68] 

The idea of “white” as ideology created a social structure and the construction of “white” people as a racial group. [69] By 1680 one observer remarked that “these two words, Negro and Slave” had “grown Homogeneous and convertible” – to be black was to be a slave.[70]

To make sure all of this stuck, in an Act of 1723, consciousness-raising of the new racist laws was mandated. Parish clerks or churchwardens, once each spring and autumn at the close of Sunday service, had to read the laws - in full - to the congregants. Sheriffs were ordered to have the same done at the courthouse door at the June or July term of court.[71] It was to be drummed into the minds of the people that there was a new social hierarchy that rendered “white people” above black and native American people and restricted patriarchal authority to the white man[72] Strict enforcement and regular reading of these laws at church and at the courthouse drummed racial prejudice into the colonialists hearts and minds.[73]

Criminalising Love

A further innovation served to divide and rule the working populace – this time via love. In the mid seventeenth century, the colonial authorities targeted unions of African and European people, and their progeny.[74]

Sex outside of marriage “fornication” had never been accepted but now increasingly harsher punishments were dealt out for “fornication” between those of different descent  A Virgina law of 1662 made the punishment of “fornication" double when an African-American/European-American couple was involved. When this law proved generally ineffective, in 1691 the Virginia Assembly passed another, making any English woman in this circumstance, free or bond, subject to public sale by the churchwardens of the parish into bond-servitude for five years. For those who were already bond-labourers, this added servitude was to be postponed until the completion of her current period of bondage. 

As women bond-labourers by law were not allowed to have husbands, any children they bore were deemed illegitimate and called "bastards". The children born were then obliged to serve their master up to a certain age. In 1681, in Virginia a distinction in terms of length of time was introduced for couples who were of different descents. Under this law a child of a European-American mother and an African-American father had to serve their master until the age of thirty, which was six years extra unpaid labour than what would have been served by a child of two European-American bond-labourers.[75] 

The General Assembly of the Virginia Colony also decided to deliberately move away from the English custom that legal the status of a child was dependent of the condition of the father (“partus sequitir patrem”) to making it dependent on the condition of the child’s mother establishing the principle of “partus sequitur ventrem” in 1662.[76] This began the process of imposing hereditary bondage on African-Americans. Once the owners had this advantage, the courts no longer concerned themselves with prosecuting African-American bond-labourers for "fornication" or "bastardy" because the outcome of such “crimes” was a self-perpetuating unpaid labour force.[77]

In Maryland, a new body of crime called “miscegenation” and a new criminal who acted in love, was introduced in 1664.[78] Anti-miscegenation laws punished a woman who was “English or freeborn” who married a Lifetime African-American bond labourer calling them “shamefull Matches” (sic) and the “disgrace of our nation”. [79] Any "freeborne" woman who married an African-American lifetime bond-labourer would have to become un-free, serving "the master of such slave during the life of her husband."[80] In 1681, the wording of the law was amended from “English or freeborn” to “English or White woman.”

That the Maryland legislation restricted and punished English women and enslaved men of African descent but not English men and enslaved women of African descent shows that the law worked to advance the sexual privileges of English men, control the sexuality of English women, and ensure that Black women remained sexually available.[81]This permitted and encouraged the sexual violation of black women. [82] The male owners of enslaved women very often had children with them, but they did not raise them as their own children, or free them, or even acknowledge them; instead, they deemed them slaves. [83]

Virginia enacted an anti-miscegenation law in 1691. It punished a “white” woman or man who married a person of African descent, a member of indigenous tribe or a “mulatto” person, banishing them from the colony. [84] This law begins by describing children born of a biological parent understood to be English or “white” and a biological parent who was understood as a “negro, mulatto, or Indian” as “that abominable mixture and spurious issue” [85] An English woman who gave birth to a child fathered by a man from one of the prohibited classifications had to relinquish the child and also pay a fine or face five years of servitude. [86]

Commercialised Indigenous Murder

By late 1600s, the settler population in North America had increased sixfold, to more than 150,000 and they were intruding on more and more of the indigenous American home-lands.[87] In 1675, in New England (Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire) a federation formed which included Algonquians and Wampanoag people, and was led by a man named Metacom who the English named “King Philip”. In what was called King Philip’s war, they attacked the settlers' isolated farms, using a method of guerrilla warfare that relied on striking and retreating led a resistance. It left more than half of the English towns in New England either destroyed or abandoned. [88]

The settlers responded by destroying indigenous villages but indigenous guerrilla attacks continued, and so the commander of the Plymouth militia, Benjamin Church, studied Indigenous tactics in order to develop more effective tactics. He petitioned the colony's governor for permission to choose sixty to seventy settlers to serve as scouts for what he termed "wilderness warfare" and in July 1676, the first settler-organised ranger force was the result. The rangers, which comprised 60 settlers and 140 colonised indigenous American men, were to, "discover, pursue, fight, surprise, destroy, or subdue" the enemy. The settler-rangers learned from their indigenous aides, and then discard them. Then, in the following two decades, Church perfected his evolving method of annihilation.

During the early colonial Pequot War, Connecticut and Massachusetts colonial officials had offered bounties for the heads of murdered indigenous people and later, for only their scalps, which were more portable in large numbers. In mid 1670s “scalp hunting” became a lucrative commercial practice with settler authorities giving reward money for indigenous scalps. In 1697 after settler Hannah Dustin presented the ten scalps of two men, two women, and six children who she had been captured by receiving bounties for them, she became a folk hero, and New England settlers took to scalp hunting in more earnest.

Bounties for indigenous scalps were honoured even in absence of war incentivising continual brutality towards indigenous American people. Although the colonial government in time raised the bounty for adult male scalps, lowered that for adult females, and eliminated that for indigenous children under ten, the age and gender of victims were not easily distinguished by their scalps nor checked carefully. What is more, the scalp hunter could take the children captive and sell them into slavery. Scalp hunting was not only a profitable enterprise but also a means to eradicate or subjugate the indigenous population. The settlers gave a name to the mutilated and bloody corpses they left in the wake of scalp-hunts: redskins.[89] 

In Salem Massachusetts nineteen women and men were convicted of witchcraft in 1692. During the witch trials, Mercy Short said the Devil had tormented her by burning her, and she described the Devil as "a Short and a Black Man... not of Negro, but of a Tawney, or an Indian colour."  Indeed, it was stated as fact that “Witches call the Devil a Black Man," by the Boston minister Cotton Mather, "and they generally say he resembles an Indian."[90]

Divide and Rule

By 1730s the gentry of the American colonies made up approximately 5% of the Anglo-American men, and from their ranks came the handful of white men who made up the governing roles. This tiny elite had managed to break down allegiances among those they ruled by separating them in law, and exploiting the visible differences in terms of colour of skin and sex.[91] By 1750 more than 1.5 million people lived in the thirteen mainland colonies. The southern colonies had a black majority and a high mortality rate. The middle colonies were a mix of Scots, Irish, English, Dutch, Germans, and Africans. They were more alike than different. When the Scottish doctor Alexander Hamilton made a tour on horseback with his African slave, Dromo, from Maryland to Maine in 1744 he "found but little difference in the manners and character of the people in the different provinces I passed thro."[92]

The male elites made a connection with common white labourers through a claim of shared authority over all white women.[93] Political rights and power proceeded from property ownership which was in the hands of white men and no woman had the right to vote.[94] Within the household the master’s word was law to his dependants: consisting of women, children and slaves.[95] Black women were to be at the very bottom of this hierarchy with the rape of enslaved women permitted and free African-American women having practically no legal protection.[96] When Abigail Adam’s wrote to her husband John in 1776 that women should perhaps be included in the social contract of the new country he was creating she argued, “I desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favourable to them than your ancestors.” Drawing on the history of the colonies she said, “Remember all Men would be tyrants if they could.” Her husband was not moved to anything but laughter in response, writing, “Depend upon it, We know better than to repeal our Masculine systems.”[97]

The white supremacist laws had not made the white labourer any better off in relation to his elite white masters, they just made him better off than his black and brown brothers.[98] Poor white labourers couldn’t vote and were given little more than the theoretical authority to rule over their fellow labourers of African and indigenous decent on the premise that they shared a superior white status with the elites who ruled them both.[99] Nevertheless. the poor white men became blinded by his subjugation by the elite, and consumed with maintaining his rung on the hierarchy in relation to those deemed black. And he was given more incentives. In South Carolina, In 1740, in the aftermath of the Stono Rebellion, the South Carolina legislature passed An Act for the Better Ordering and Governing Negroes, which restricted the movement of slaves, and made it a crime for anyone to teach a slave to write. [100] In 1750 it was decreed, “That no Handicrafts Man [other than the owner] shall hereafter teach a Negro his Trade."[101] White servants were allowed to police slaves through slave patrols and militias, and legal barriers were created so that free labour would not be placed in competition with slave labour. Poor white men had now had a more direct and personal stake in the existence of a race-based system of slavery that was codified in the law.[102] Although the system of white-skin privileges had been initiated by the plantation elite, by the middle of the eighteenth century the European-American masses were claiming them as their own.[103]

Benjamin Franklin wrote about a new race, a people who were "white" and in 1754 he proposed for them a Plan of Union to include eleven colonies: New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire.[104]

The United States of America was founded in 1776 on the illusion of equality vis a vie England. The founding fathers abolished primogeniture and declared titles illegal, and whilst in Britain the people were subjects, in the United States the people were citizens.[105] The Declaration of Independence claimed that all men were equal and this, of course, did not include women, black or indigenous people.[106] The structure and content of the American Constitution preserved the racial caste system that had been formed by the elites.[107] The system of voting contained the bizarre ‘Connecticut compromise’ which established that, for purposes of political representation, each slave would count as three fifths of a person. Whilst creating the inhumane idea that an enslaved person would count as just three fifths of a person, this arrangement was to grant slave states far greater representation in Congress than free states.[108]

In the newly born USA, denied any real social mobility, the American populace were increasingly ready to expand its borders and take land from the indigenous American people in the name of "a white man's country." This lateral mobility to "free land" also served in diverting them from struggles with the elite.[109] White settlers were allowed greater access to indigenous American lands by the American authorities.[110] The genocidal land grab would not stop until it reached the Pacific ocean and there was nothing more for the taking.


End Notes

[1] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. p. 33

[2] ibid. p. 36

[3] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 30

[4] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 32-33

[5] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 63-79.

[6] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. p. 33

[7] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 53-55.

[8] ibid. pp. 75-79.

[9] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 36-37

[10] Dunbar-Ortiz, R. 2022 (Original 2014) An Indigenous People’s History of the United States. Beacon Press: Boston. p. 60

[11] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. p. 37

[12] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. p. 37

[13] Dunbar-Ortiz, R. 2022 (Original 2014) An Indigenous People’s History of the United States. Beacon Press: Boston. p. 60

[14] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 63.

[15] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 79-91.

[16] Dunbar-Ortiz, R. 2022 (Originally 2014). An Indigenous People’s History oft he United States. Beacon Press: Boston. pp. 62-63

[17] Dunbar-Ortiz, R. 2022 (Original 2014) An Indigenous People’s History of the United States. Beacon Press: Boston. pp. 60-61

[18] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 89-92.

[19] Dunbar-Ortiz, R. 2022 (Original 2014) An Indigenous People’s History of the United States. Beacon Press: Boston. pp. 60-61

[20] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 93.

[21] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 52-66.

[22] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 67-68.

[23] ibid. pp. 99-126

[24] ibid. p. 108.

[25] ibid. pp. 120-122.

[26] ibid. pp. 98-119 & Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. p. 56

[27] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 135-151.

[28] ibid. pp. 96-128.

[29] ibid. pp. 143-146.

[30] ibid. p. 74.

[31] ibid. pp. 92-101.

[32] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. p. 43

[33] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. p. 25

[34] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. p. 41 & Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 158

[35] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 159

[36] Brox, J. 2019. The Silence of Women, Longreads: https://longreads.com/2019/01/15/the-silence-of-women/

[37] Laurence, A. 1999. Women in England 1500-1760: A Social History. Phoenix: London. p. 228

[38] Naffine, Nagaire. 2019. Criminal Law and the Man Problem. Hart Publishing: Oxford. p. 49

[39] Brox, J. 2019. The Silence of Women, Longreads: https://longreads.com/2019/01/15/the-silence-of-women/

[40] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 124-129.

[41] ibid. p. 69.

[42] ibid. p. 130.

[43] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. pp. 5-6 & p.17

[44] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 148-158

[45] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. P. 1

[46] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 122- 198

[47] There had been a monopoly on the supply of labourers from African since 1518 when King Charles I of Spain authorised the supply to Spanish America of 4,000 Africans as bond labourers under Papal sanction. This monopoly, which came to be know as the Asiento de negros or simply Asiento which was the object of fierce competition among the European powers. The English Royal African Company secured the monopoly at the end of the War of Spanish Succession (1702-14).

[48] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 172-198.

[49] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 45-47

[50] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. P. 19

[51] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 211.

[52] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. P. 18

[53] Dunbar-Ortiz, R. 2022 (Original 2014) An Indigenous People’s History of the United States. Beacon Press: Boston. pp. 61-62

[54] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. pp. 18-19

[55] Alexander, M (2010) The New Jim Crow. The New Press: New York. P. 25 & Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 178.

[56] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 228.

[57] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. p. 37

[58] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 123.

[59] ibid. p. 172.

[60] ibid. p. 187.

[61] ibid. p. 251.

[62] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: Londonpp. 180-182.

[63] ibid. p. 198

[64] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. P. 20

[65] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 250.

[66] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. pp. 34-37

[67] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 249-250.

[68] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. P. 20

[69] ibid. p. 47

[70] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 36-37

[71] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 251.

[72] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. pp. 35-36

[73] ibid. p. 48

[74] ibid. pp. 5-6 & p.17

[75] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 133-134.

[76] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. p. 10 & Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 197.

[77] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 134.

[78] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. p. 12

[79] ibid. p. 25

[80] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 134.

[81] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. p. 25

[82] ibid. p. 11

[83] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 69-70

[84] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. p. 21

[85] ibid. p. 38

[86] ibid. p. 39

[87] Dunbar-Ortiz, R. 2022 (Originally 2014). An Indigenous People’s History oft he United States. Beacon Press: Boston. p. 63

[88] Dunbar-Ortiz, R. 2022 (Originally 2014). An Indigenous People’s History oft he United States. Beacon Press: Boston. p. 63 & Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 55-56

 

[89] Dunbar-Ortiz, R. 2022 (Originally 2014). An Indigenous People’s History oft he United States. Beacon Press: Boston. pp. 63-65

[90] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. p. 57

[91] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. p. 23

[92] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 67-69

[93] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. pp. 23-28

[94] Brox, J. 2019. The Silence of Women, Longreads: https://longreads.com/2019/01/15/the-silence-of-women/

[95] McCurry, S. 1995. Masters of Small Worlds: Yeoman Households, Gender Relations, & the Political Culture of the Antebellum South Carolina Low County. Oxford University Press: Oxford. pp. 58-195

[96] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. p. 251.

[97] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 96-97

[98] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. p. 36

[99] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. p. 37

[100] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 58-59

[101] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 251-252.

[102] Alexander, M (2010) The New Jim Crow. The New Press: New York. P. 25

[103] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 249-253.

[104] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 69-70

[105] Cannadine, D. 2000. Class in Britain. Penguin Books: London. pp. 53-54.

[106] Battalora, J. 2013. Birth of a White Nation: The invention of White People and its Relevance today. Strategic Book Publishing and Rights Co: Houston. P. 92

[107] Alexander, M (2010) The New Jim Crow. The New Press: New York. p. 25

[108] Lepore, J. 2019. These Truths: A History of the United States. W. W. Norton & Company: New York. pp. 123-125

[109] Allen, T, W. 2012, (originally 1997). The invention of the White Race Volume II: The origin of racial oppression in Anglo-America. Verso: London. pp. 257-258.

[110] Alexander, M (2010) The New Jim Crow. The New Press: New York. P. 25

Tags: USA history, unpaid labour, racial oppression
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Memories of the Goddess: Malta’s pre-historic megaliths

April 10, 2022

Once upon a time, there lived an island of temple building people in what is now known as Malta. These people were peaceful and egalitarian. Highly technologically and artistically advanced, they constructed megalithic temples that endured for millennia, and in these temples, they worshipped Goddesses. 

The Maltese temple building society existed from at least 5000 BP, to its sudden, and unexplained, cessation in 2500 BP. From 3500 BP to that date, the people who lived on the island created gigantic, and technologically sophisticated stone structures that are the oldest of their kind.[i] Wrought of coralline and globigerina limestone, forged from unhewn blocks weighing up to 30 tons, and erected in sacred spots on the landscape, these temples have left an awe-inspiring legacy.

Ta’ Ħaġrat temple, August 2021

Tombs and Shrines 

It is most likely that the first farmers settled on Malta approximately 8,000 – 7,000 years ago in 6th millennium BP, around the same time that they settled Sicily. However, our first concrete evidence of their inhabitation is in 5266-4846 BC when the earliest evidence of them and their religious practices can be found on what would become the temple sites. 

The early Maltese were ‘a stable, peaceful, artistic, people.’ [ii] Their life was based on mixed farming and survived with very little change for thousands of years, although their population substantially and naturally grew throughout the period. Whilst their temples were of majestic limestone, their own houses appear to have been made of mudbrick.[iii]

Although, in the beginning, evidence from deposits found on the oldest temple site; Skorba, indicate the ancestors to the temples were shrines made of mud brick. These shrines were ancestral, in both architecture and function, to the later temples. Rock-cut tombs were the other ancestors of the temples. The earliest egg shaped rock-cut tombs were found at the Zebbug and Xemxija tombs (4000 BP). Their shape prefigures the later temple’s lobed ‘apse’ interiors, and show similarity to those found in Sardinia and southern Italy. Grave goods and figurines that were found in these tombs represent early portrayals of a divinity associated with the tomb: a Goddess of death and regeneration.[iv]

For the ancient Maltese, death was believed to be followed by rebirth, and religion was about reconciling humans with their mortality. The burial rites of the temple building people did not change much during the period. As with other Old European civilisations, their tombs were reminiscent of a womb: graves were made in the shape of eggs; often a simple egg-shaped pit or a rock-cut tomb to which the dead were placed in a contracted foetal position and sprinkled with red ochre. Newborn babies were buried in egg shaped pots. The placing of red ochre in graves and niches of subterranean tombs was an almost universal feature; it was extensively sprinkled on the skull or scattered all over the body. Red ochre is used world-wide symbolically for blood, and therefore life and regeneration.[v]   

Red Ochre in the Ħal Saflieni Hypogeum: Burial chambers and traces of red ochre in the Lower Level; and Red ochre painting in the middle level, photos from Heritage Malta.

Red ochre is a natural oxide of iron and it does not occur in Malta’s geology. Therefore, the presence of red ochra, as well as black obsidian, provide evidence of connection of the temple builders with other peoples. 

The nature of the burials show it was an egalitarian society. This can be seen by the stark contrast to hierarchical societies where burials divide into numerous poor and simple ones contrasting with a few in which the dead were buried individually with large amounts of precious and exotic goods. These goods were imported deliberately to emphasise the prestige of an elite over the common people whose surplus production was tapped to support it. In contrast, in early Maltese burials, there is little differentiation between poorer and richer burials. Not until the much later Punic period could any tombs be described as wealthy, and still not as markedly as in many other places and in later times.[vi]

The Temples 

Today, thirty temples are known about, however there were probably once many more. These Neolithic temples, along with their ancestral caves and tombs are roughly classified in seven phases, and the temples belong to the 5th, 4thand early 3rd millennia:

Chronological Chart of Malta

From Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 174

The design of Malta’s temples is unique, they are unlike any other Neolithic structure to have been found in the world.[vii] By combining the two ideas of a built shrine and ancestral tomb, it is easy to see where the first lobed temples could have come from.[viii] The lobes of the tombs became the apses in temple architecture. These egg/womb shape bulges are arranged around a central temple entrance.  

Temples of Mnajdra (photo: Daniel Cilia)

As the temples developed from shrines and or tombs, the temples themselves also developed in form over time. The six most intact temples that exist in Malta today, demonstrate how the temple’s size and structure developed: they seem to have been gradually made bigger during the period. For example, Dr John Evans sorted the temples into a developmental sequence: The first were the irregular lobed temples like Mgarr East and Kordin III; these evolved into the three-apse trefoils like Ta’ Ħaġrat; later temples had four or five apses; finally, another pair of apses were added to give Tarxien Central its six apses and a niche.[ix]

Diagram at the National Museum of Archaeology, Valetta, Malta

In the same way that the shapes of the earliest tombs have been likened to eggs or the goddesses wombs the four or five-apse temples have shapes that can be likened to that of the rotund goddess sculptures.[x]

The temples were built near each other. They tend to be clustered in pairs, threes and there is one four. Typically the groups of temples occur in larger pairs with one complex significantly larger than the other, like mother and daughter, a pair of sisters, or the representation of two different aspects of the same divinity: youth and maturity, or death and regeneration. The east has long symbolised birth and the west, death. This seems to be reflected in the temples, as in their pairs, the western temples tend to have paraphernalia to do with death and regeneration and they tend to be built of darker brownish-red limestone. The eastern temples are lighter, more spacious and made of a lighter limestone.[xi]

Inside, the temples have three zones. The first, the forecourt, is spacious and open to the sky. It seems to have been designed for public and religious gatherings. Then there were two other zones within the temples: an internal central court with apses which lead off from it, and then an inner part with closed off smaller chambers. Sometimes these zones are open, and sometimes they are closed off from each other by a barrier or doorway.[xii]

The temples placement demonstrates a knowledge, and celebration, of astronomical alignments. At the Mnajdra South Temple the building marks the sunrise of the Equinoxes and Solstices. At sunrise on the Spring and Autumn Equinox the sun rises in line with the middle of the doorway to the temple. At sunrise on the Winter Solstice, the sun’s rays light the edge of a large, decorated slab to the right of the entrance, and on the Summer Solstice the sun’s rays light up the edge of a similar slab to the left of the same entrance. Two megaliths in the East Temple at Mnajdra seem to have been used to mark observations of the stars, through the drilling of a series of holes. Ħaġar Qim temple also seems to demonstrate an astrological alignment. On sunrise on the Summer Solstice, a ray of light enters through an elliptical hole in the wall of the main building. The light is projected as a crescent on a stone slab at the entrance to the apse and as the sun rises higher in the sky, the crescent of light travels down the slab onto the floor and slowly returns to a disk. The shard of a pot was also found at Ħaġar Qim which carries what looks like a solar wheel. A stone slab found at Tal-Qadi temple was found decorated with eight-pointed stars and a crescent moon.[xiii]

Although burials were found in the megalithic temples, this was not a practice of the temple building people. There is no sign of burials within the temples themselves until after they had been abandoned as places of worship. Instead, during that time, burials were confined to the underground cemetery temples: the hypogea. In fact, it seems likely that each community on the island would have excavated themselves their own hypogea, linked to the overground temple’s complexes.[xiv]  

By the later Saflieni and Tarxien times, the great necropolises of Ħal Saflieni and the Xaghra Circle were in full use. The elaborate Ħal Saflieni is a complex and architecturally awe-inspiring underground graveyard. With its chambers, and ornate carved structures and ritual paraphernalia, together with the Xaghra Circle hypogeum, it is clear that these places were more than just cemeteries: They were temples in their own right.[xv] At Ħal Saflieni, aural effects would have been used in worship: the Oracle room in the Hypogeum has a niche which allows the voice to reverberate throughout the underground rooms. [xvi] The curved enclosed chambers, painted liberally with red ochre represent a regenerative womb.[xvii]

Ħal Saflieni Hypogeum: Burial chambers in the middle level and the main temple in the middle level, Heritage Malta.

Goddess Worship

The temples were the centre of communal religious activity. Several have heat-reddened hearths indicating the use of fire.[xviii] It is most likely that they were presided over by a priestess or priest, rather than encouraging individual trance-like shamanistic religious activity.[xix] Indeed, the sophistication of the design and build of these megaliths makes it difficult to see how they could have been planned, and the logistical problems of their construction overcome, without a small body of people organising the work. As those people were not chieftains, they are far more likely to be priests’ or priestesses.[xx]

One striking feature of the Maltese temples are that hundreds of ceramic figurines were found depicting the female form: evidence of Goddess worship. Ceramics were invented in c. 6500 BC and this marked the appearance of thousands of figurines and vases, temples and their miniature models, wall paintings, reliefs and countless ritual articles across the world.[xxi] The earliest pre-temple site – the Red Skorba shrine – housed five figurines made of stone and terracotta in the north room. Although none were complete, between them they allowed the full reconstruction of a standing female figure 9 cms high.[xxii] That they represent the Mother Goddess, archaeologists state ‘is the most economical explanation of these intriguing objects.’ [xxiii]

The figurines found in the temples differ in size, and form, however the vast majority of them are clearly feminine. Some of the earliest are depicted with large vulvas or pubic triangles. For example, the clay and stone figurines found in the Red Skorba temple were wearing triangular masks, with long necks, large breasts, a large posterior and a large public triangle. They wear a cinch belt and a necklace. In Ħaġar Qim temple, the best known stone sculptures of seated, squatting and standing fat ladies were found which show the remains of ochre paint and stand about 20 cms high.[xxiv] Another figurine found there was carved in a realistic form and standing 12.9 cms high, and is  known as the Venus of Malta. At the Xaghra Circle a statue of two seated ladies, with their knees drawn up close to them, were found. A figurine known as the sleeping lady was found in the Ħal Saflieni Hypogeum. She is a highly detailed figure and lies on her left side on a bed 12.2 cms long.[xxv]

Red Skorba figurine; Venus of Malta from Ħaġar Qim; the sleeping lady from Ħal Saflieni Hypogeum.

The role of the figurines was to represent life, as well as death and regeneration: the Goddess personifies the eternally renewing cycle of life in all of its forms and manifestations. From the artifacts, it seems clear that women’s ability to give birth and nourish children from her body was deemed sacred, and revered as the ultimate metaphor for the divine creatrix.[xxvi]

The latest dated temple - Tarxien west temple – housed the largest goddess in statute form. Cut from limestone, ‘Our lady of Tarxien’, would have stood at nearly 2-2.75 metres, however the figure is broken off at the waist.[xxvii] The supernaturally large figure’s surviving body wears a pleated skirt which is in the same style as other statutory found on the figurines of Ħaġar Qim. Her calves are unnaturally thick, but her feet are tiny. Given its size and prominent position, it is clear that the statute is a representation of the Goddess.[xxviii] Her obesity seems to depict regeneration.[xxix]

Peace and disappearance 

Prehistoric Maltese society had an economy that supported complex architecture and art of an entirely different order of magnitude, far in advance of its neighbours. Although the society was only just above the subsistence level, they produced a small surplus to allow the import of a modest quantity of raw materials from abroad and a few luxuries such as stone for miniature axes.[xxx]

The architects who planned and oversaw the work, the masons who quarried and dressed the stone, and the sculptors who produced their carved or modelled masterpieces, must have been specialists, not just farmers working part-time. Those who made the pottery that has been seen in the temples were clearly accomplished. As such, there must have been some redistribution of resources to allow these skilled craftspeople to engage in their specialised temple building.[xxxi]

A remarkable fact about the culture of the temple building people is the complete absence of any form for warfare, whether weapons, defensive sites, wounds on skeletons, or any other.[xxxii] Whereas in other prehistoric societies warfare is evident in the burials in the form of weapons and defensive or fortified sites, in Malta, there was no evidence of conflict, either within communities in the islands or between them.[xxxiii]

Yet in 2500 BP, this extraordinarily sophisticated culture, suddenly ceased.[xxxiv] With the great temple of Tarxien, the temple building period of Malta came to an abrupt end, and it is not known what happened for the temple builders to disappear.

The people that inhabited the island after the temple building people were completely different from them. No single element of the culture of the people who replaced the temple building people can be traced back to them.[xxxv] Their pottery showed a complete break from the pottery-making traditions of the previous phases in every respect:  they differ in thickness, colour and vessel shape.[xxxvi] Their burial practices were completely unlike their predecessors: the newcomers cremated their dead before burying them. Finally, these new people brought knowledge of metal with them.[xxxvii] Malta has no natural metal sources, and the temple building people did not seem to know about its means, yet these new people must have obtained metal from abroad and it to fashion weapons: flat metal daggers.[xxxviii]

With the influx of these new people the temples collapsed literally as well as metaphorically. At Skorba great chips were knocked out of the temple structure before new and rougher walls were botched in the Bronze Age. Without exception, the temples were abandoned for religious practices. Tarxien was turned into a cemetery and Skorba and Borg-in-Nadur were taken over by squatters. The others appear to have been left to crumble away, perhaps deliberately avoided for superstitious reasons.[xxxix] The Xaghra Circle hypogeum was sealed off.

In stark contrast to the temple building people, the newcomers were war faring people. Daggers were prominent in the succeeding Tarxien cemetery, and fortifications of impressive size were found at Borg in-Nadur and elsewhere showing evidence of war. They built their homes on hilltops in order to provide a natural defence as well as showing evidence of defensive walls.[xl]

We do not know what happened in Malta in c. 2500 BP to change the society from that of a technologically and artistically advanced, egalitarian goddess worshipping civilisation, into  a less sophisticated culture based on hierarchy and war. What seems most likely is that the destruction of the Maltese temple building society was simply the next victim of the wave of Indo-European incursions that were spreading across Europe from 4500 to 2500 BC. This wave was transforming European society economically and socially from a learned theocracy to a militant patriarchy, from a sexually balanced society to a male dominated hierarchy.[xli]  

By whatever means the temple building civilisation passed away, the glory of the temples was gone, and it was succeeded by a much lower level of culture, apparently owing nothing to what had gone before.[xlii]

 

Temples that you can visit in Malta: 

·       Ħaġar Qim Temples

·       Mnajdra Temples

·       Ta’ Ħaġrat Temple

·       Skorba Temple

·       Ħal Saflieni Hypogeum

·       Tarxien Temples

·       Ggantija Temples

References

[i] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 69

[ii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 236

[iii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 208

[iv] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 174

[v] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 281 & Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 45

[vi] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 235

[vii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 70

[viii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 88

[ix] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 86

[x] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 174

[xi] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 176

[xii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. pp. 106-108

[xiii] Stroud, K. 2015: Ħaġar Qim & Manajdra Prehistoric Temples. Heritage Books in association with Heritage Malta pp. 42-43

[xiv] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 116

[xv] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. pp. 117-118

[xvi] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 111

[xvii] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 286

[xviii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 107

[xix] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 115

[xx] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 236

[xxi] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 222

[xxii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 42

[xxiii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 43

[xxiv] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 176 & p.223

[xxv] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 100

[xxvi] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York pp. 222-223

[xxvii] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 181

[xxviii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 112

[xxix] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 265

[xxx] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 234

[xxxi] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. pp. 215-216

[xxxii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 239

[xxxiii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 235

[xxxiv] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 238

[xxxv] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 245

[xxxvi] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 270

[xxxvii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. pp. 246-247

[xxxviii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 292

[xxxix] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. pp. 238-239

[xl] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 252-234

[xli] Gimbutas, Marija, 1991, The Civilization of the Goddess: The world of Old Europe. Harper San Francisco: New York p. 401

[xlii] Trump, David, H. 2002. Malta: Prehistory and Temples. Malta’s living heritage. Midsea Books ltd: Italy. p. 241

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The Wheel of the Year at the Museum of Witchcraft and Magic in Cornwall, UK

The Wheel of the Year at the Museum of Witchcraft and Magic in Cornwall, UK

The Witching Cycles 

October 29, 2020 in Halloween, Samhain, Power, Healer, Witch

Once upon a time the word witch was not a negative title. Although the etymology is somewhat unclear, it most likely came from the verb wit “know” (as in wit and witty). And this makes sense, because we know that witches were our wise women. They were our healers, our carers, and the custodians of knowledge.

Halloween, otherwise known as Samhain, marking the decent into winter, is the first of eight Sabbats in the witches’ calendar; the ancient Celtic Wheel of the Year. 

Like Mexico’s day of the dead, Samhain is about introspection and remembrance - paying respect to those that have passed. This year, when we have not just a full moon, but a blue moon, and that moon gleaming over us as we face a global pandemic, it seems like a good time to reflect on how our ancient healers were slandered and devalued. 

As we pay tribute to our health workers today, let’s take a moment to remember those health workers who have gone before.

It began in the 14th century. Wealthy men in Europe called it a period of ‘Enlightenment’ (to cover up their exploits with femicide and slavery). There was an active takeover of the practice of medicine by men. University-trained male physicians had emerged the century prior, yet they were not a patch on the traditional women healer, and so they needed to play dirty to vanquish the competition.  

The establishment of medicine as a profession requiring university training made it easy to exclude women from practice, as women were conveniently already barred from universities. Better-off, literate women who practiced medicine anyway were then hit by licensing laws that prohibited them from doing so. In Paris, in 1322, Jacoba Felicie was brought to trial by the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Paris, on criminal charges. The primary accusations against her were that “she would cure her patient of internal illness and wounds or of external abscesses. She would visit the sick assiduously and continue to examine the urine in the manner of physicians, feel the pulse, and touch the body and limbs.” Six witnesses affirmed that she had cured them, one stating that she was wiser in the art of medicine than any master physician in Paris. Clearly, she was pretty good at her job, yet patriarchy didn’t like it, so the evidence was used against her to stop her practicing. By the end of 14th century, male physicians monopolised all aspects of medicine except obstetrics and midwifery.

Wise women continued to practice local medicine, they had been community doctors for centuries, and weren’t going to be displaced that easily. So, harsher measures had to be taken. In 1484 Pope Innocent VIII gave authority to the Church to find witches and kill them. Witchcraft was branded ‘crimen exceptum’ – an exceptional crime – and two years later, in Germany, Kramer and Sprenger wrote ‘the Hammer of the witches’. One of the most misogynistic books ever created. 

In 1542 the British Parliament passed the Witchcraft Act which defined witchcraft as a crime punishable by death. Then, James 1st, obsessed with witchcraft and the only monarch to author his very own witch hunting manual; ‘Demonology’, got heavily involved, and a further law in 1604 transferred the trial of witches from the Church to the ordinary courts. 

The witch hunt was on.  

From 14th to 17th century, well-organised campaigns against women healers, initiated, financed, and executed by the Church and State, were run across Europe. Women were accused of simply being sexual, or more specifically to their healing tradition, having magical powers affecting health: both harming and healing. Some had specific criminal charges against their possessing medical or obstetrical skills. “No one does more harm to the Catholic church than midwives,” Kramer and Sprenger had blustered in their Hammer. 

The witch craze spread across Europe like a misogynist plague. Executions were often live burnings at the stake, beheadings, or drowning. Peasant women were executed as in Italy and Germany, then in the mid 16th century the terror spread to France and reached a frenzy in England, seeing the North Berwick witch trials in Scotland in 1590. The 17th century opened with the Fulda witch trials in Germany between 1603-1606 which resulted in the deaths of 250 people, and continued with the 1609 Basque witch trials in Spain at the hands of the Inquisition, and the Torsåker witch trials in Sweden which saw  71 people (65 women and 6 men) beheaded and burned. The end of the century saw the craze spread to America, and the infamous Salem witch trials of 1692–93, where more than 200 people were accused of witchcraft.

Some scholars have estimated that between 40,000 and 100,000 people were executed for witchcraft across Europe and America, others say it was far larger. Of those tried, around 85% were women, and mostly poor women over the age of 40. In truth, we will never truly know how many of our ancestresses perished under these barbaric circumstances. 

The witch hunts did not manage to completely eliminate woman healer, but they branded her as malevolent and discredited her, associating her with devil worship and all that is bad. Whilst many of the herbal remedies developed by wise women found their way into modern pharmacology, such as using ergot for the pain of labour, much of the other wisdom went underground. 

All that witches represented, practiced and were killed for: wisdom, sexuality, power, and freedom, all so despised by the patriarchy, had to be veiled behind more acceptable forms of femininity. 

The laws against witchcraft were repelled in England, in 1736, but were replaced with fines against people practicing witchcraft. After over 200 years, and the tireless campaigning of the mother of modern witchcraft Doreen Valiente this act was repelled in 1951. But again, it was replaced with another law, the Fraudulent Mediums Act, repelled only in 2008. 

Today, witchcraft is emerging from the shadows as women recognise and revel in their ancient birth right to a liberated spirituality and wisdom. Modern witches such as Lisa Lister and Juliet Diaz are sharing this wisdom with a new generation.

Samhain marks our remembrance, but let’s not forget that it is part of a cycle. As we pass into what it likely to be a difficult winter period, it serves us to embrace every part of the coming yule at the winter solstice and what it has to bring us. Then, as the wheel cycles us into the new year, we can look forward to Imbolic in February, Ostara at the spring equinox, and Beltane on May 1st. We shall hopefully be seeing the last vestiges of the pandemic as we roll on to Litha at the summer solstice, or Lammas on July 31st/August 1st. Maybe by Mabon, the autumnal equinox, we will be able to look back on everything we have gone through, wiser, and in a better place to begin again.

Whatever may happen as we ride out the cycles of the year, let’s make sure that we live in a way that makes our ancestress witches proud.

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An abuser’s best friend: How the UK's C-19 lockdown colluded with domestic abusers

June 01, 2020

Many domestic abuse charities were dismayed when the coronavirus lockdown was announced, with no thought for how women at risk would be protected during this time. Rooted in the knowledge of how domestic abuse works, they could immediately see why this policy could provide carte blanche to the perpetrators of abuse if it did not have adequate safeguards.

Domestic abuse is all about control. As the domestic abuse charity Solace’s Power and Control Wheel highlights, perpetrators do not need to use physical violence every day, and some never use it at all. Violence is used by perpetrators when they believe that other tactics are failing. Whilst domestic abuse is perpetrated by any sex, men are much more likely to use violence when they believe their tactics are failing, which is why so many woman are killed by their male partners. Other tactics that can be used by the abuser include sexual or financial control, bullying behaviour, denial and blaming the victim, and, crucially in this context: isolation.

Isolation tactics include refusing to look after the children if the victim wants to leave for work or other reasons, moving her to a remote place, and gradually distancing her from her support networks such as family and friends. With a policy dictating social isolation for all, the government have made this tactic much easier, and also morally sanctionable. It helps the abuser to see that isolating someone is acceptable, and not abusive. It plays into their distorted beliefs that isolation is really ‘protection.’ In this context, the government slogan ‘stay safe, stay at home’, implies you will be safe at home. For many women, this is simply a lie, and yet now the abuser has a government endorsed reason to continue.

The government have set a number of new rules in place as part of the C-19 lockdown, restricting how often people can leave the house and who people can and can’t see. In doing so, they are a larger embodiment of the way an abuser will sanction certain behaviours and disallow others. A perpetrator will see his partner as a possession and believe that she should obey him: the rules he imposes keep him knowing whether or not she is under his control. A victim might be told that she can only go out at certain times, to certain places, and that she is not allowed to see certain people. By mimicking this controlling behaviour at the national level, the government is setting a dangerous example for perpetrators.

As any victim understands, it is breaking the rules, whether these rules are clear to the victim or not, that will lead to an outburst. Sometimes she will deliberately refuse to comply, but most of the time she will unwittingly break a rule because the rules change arbitrarily. In either case, once the rules are broken, it throws the perpetrator into a sense of panic, and powerlessness: because the victim has asserted her own agency, it challenges his sense of control, triggering the desperate need to re-assert it. Sometimes his sense of control will be challenged by things that are nothing to do with the victim breaking a rule, but with the circumstances of the perpetrator’s life changing. Maybe he loses his job, puts on weight, or has to deal with the threat of the Covid-19 pandemic. In any case, it is at these times that the perpetrator will do whatever he can to stay in control himself: by controlling his partner, including using violence.

Perpetrators of violence use excuses to justify this violence to themselves, absolving them of guilt. They will do this both before, and after the violence has occurred. Typically, they will tell themselves that the victim deserves it, that they provoked it, that the victim only responds to violence. With the draconian use of lockdown, the government allows any perpetrator to use the lockdown measures as justification for violence. Using violence is OK because I had to force her not to leave the house. Using violence is OK because it’s the only way to keep her in and to keep us safe.

On top of creating an enabling environment, the government is exhibiting the same kind of cognitive dissonance that simultaneously facilitates and disavows the abuse. With the one hand they say they care about stopping domestic violence through initiatives such as the Domestic Abuse Bill, and Home Office support, yet other actions and messages send an alternative message. The result is confusion, which is ultimately exactly the kind of state that most victims of abuse will find themselves in day to day, preventing them from being clear about what is going on in their lives.

The statistics already give some indication of the dire situation for women experiencing domestic abuse during the pandemic. So far at least 19 women have been killed by my men during lockdown and the Met Police are answering roughly 100 domestic abuse calls per day.  There have been over 4000 domestic abuse arrests in London in the 6 weeks from 9th March – 24th April, a 24% increase compared to the previous year.

It is tragic and paradoxical that the risk of death as a result of lockdown policies is higher for some than from the disease measures are supposed to combat. Had the government been more strategic and more cognisant of what damage the lockdown would do, then we would not have been seeing the rising numbers of deaths that we have already seen. When government analyses the deaths as a result of the coronavirus, it needs to consider the deaths of innocent children and women at the hands of their partners in lockdown, and the responsibility its policy had for it.

 

Photo by Ani Kolleshi on Unsplash

Photo by Ani Kolleshi on Unsplash

What the coronavirus response teaches us about patriarchy

April 05, 2020

How did one sex come to dominate the other in virtually all areas of the world, and for so long? The response to the coronavirus, leading, in weeks, to the lock down of over half the world’s population, holds some clues. Because, of course, half of the world’s population has been confined before.

When I watched what seemed like extreme behaviour from the Chinese government, quarantining 60 million residents in their homes in Wuhan in January 2020, I was laughably naïve. It was something that seemed to have very litttle bearing on my own freedom. March 2020 changed everything.

On March 9th, Italy was the first European country to place its entire population on lockdown. Soon after, on March 13th, Spain and the USA declared national emergencies, unlocking presidential emergency powers. The next day, March 14th, France, the country of “liberty, equality, freedom” confined all people to their homes with 100,000 police enforcing the lockdown. It wasn’t until March 23rd, but the UK followed, with 66+ million of us ordered to stay in our homes. India, with a population of 1.3 billion, joined the lockdown on March 24th. Then, in the next few days, Italy introduced prison sentences, and the UK passed emergency legislation and regulations restricting movement. On March 30th, Austria joined Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Bosnia-Herzegovina in making the wearing of face masks out of the home compulsory. Russia, the largest country in the world, began locking down its 144 million population, and instigated emergency laws enforced by fines and prison sentences on the last day of March.

The take up of lockdowns, enforced by the law and the police, created a domino effect across the globe. It struck me that, like the deadly disease, the spread of patriarchy must have followed a similar dramatic path. A poisonous trend, transformed a world which respected women as central, into one that moved them indoors, excluded them from economic and public life, and curtailed their physical and bodily freedom with the strong arm of the law. When patriarchy began, whilst there were clearly long-standing trends in place to change lineages from following the mothers’ to the fathers’ line, and worship gods rather than goddesses, other situations must have accelerated and solidified women’s subordination.

The law, and punishment, is a key tool used in the coronavirus response as well as patriarchy. Going back 4000 years, the very earliest law codes, such as the Code of Ur Nammu (2100–2050 BCE) were tools to restrict women’s behaviour, a trend that was built on by successive legislators. By the Middle Assyrian period (1363–1057) laws demanded certain women cover their head when they went out on the street alone (MAL 40). It was not long before veiling and the sequestering of women spread across the globe through trade, conquests, and wanting to emulate the more powerful. Laws have successively been used as a female subordination tool ever since.

Yet laws have no power without the people. The coronavirus response doesn’t work without majority cooperation, and so too with patriarchy. Whereas the original Middle Assyrian law had to punish ordinary men who did not alert the authorities to women’s veiling transgressions, this stopped being a problem as time passed. And actually it turns out that societies can change their minds quickly. While face masks are now mandatory in certain European countries, they were not worn routinely here a month ago. The disapproving looks which now enforce their uptake, would have previously been bemused looks which prevented people from wearing them at all.

Most of us are very obediently policing ourselves during the coronavirus response. Women haven’t always been very cooperative in our subordination, or else we wouldn’t have had to be incessantly restricted, controlled and belittled over millennia. Yet we got to a point when we didn’t need to be policed because we were policing ourselves. Two months ago, the idea that I would be confined to my flat on the order of the government would not just have been galling but terrifying, and yet here I am, quite quickly settling in to a new normal. A government order becomes a personal decision that distinguishes you as a public health saviour or a public health pariah.

Perhaps at some point around 8,000 years ago, women initially agreed to some form of restriction for a temporary period. Maybe it was in order to get over a crisis or some kind of disaster, and then the practices that needed to be enforced during that time got written down, and then violently enforced by male authorities. Then, before we knew it, peer pressure and our own self-policing carried it on until we woke up one day and it was suddenly too late. The laws and myths were in place, the world was dominated by men, and they weren’t going to share their power very easily.

We are not over patriarchy. The majority of our world’s governments are still male dominated, and it is they who are deciding, and instigating the response to the coronavirus. Given their continuing control, and that C-19 seems to be more deadly for men than women could our future see a response that focuses solely on the restriction of women, acceptably subjugating one sex to protect another? Might one half of the population get out whilst the other stays confined?

What we have seen across the world, within a month, is the sanctioning of personal loss of freedom on a scale unprecedented in modern times, and yet what is interesting is that we asked for it. It has been quick, government led, and we, the people, are following gratefully. Now it is considered not just acceptable, not just appropriate, but a welcomed requirement to stay in our homes, and to cover our faces if we leave, and to fine us or put us in prison if we don’t comply. We can see that such powers are easily abused, and yet we don’t complain. Or at least not at the moment, and maybe by the time we do it will be too late.

Laas Geel, Somaliland, where the rock art is estimated to date from between 9,000 and 3,000 years ago, 2014

Laas Geel, Somaliland, where the rock art is estimated to date from between 9,000 and 3,000 years ago, 2014

The biggest lie the world has ever been told

April 22, 2019

The biggest lie the world has ever been told is that men have always dominated it. Male domination has been marketed as natural, immutable and eternal. It is all we have ever known, so it’s easy to believe that it might be all we have ever had. 

Yet, a couple of years ago, I learned that this was not the case. In fact, I learned that in the grand scheme of things, male domination, aka patriarchy, is a relatively recent phenomenon. Given that our species of human emerged about 300,000 years ago, and patriarchy reared its ugly head an estimated 8,000 years ago, it is clear that it had a beginning, and a relatively recent one at that. The problem is that patriarchy came just before our first extant written records, and so what has been passed down to us is what these victors wanted us to believe, not necessarily what was actually true. 

What lies in the little glimpse we know of what was before is exciting, empowering, and addictive. I learned a bit and now I can’t put it down. I want to know as much as I can, and I want everyone to know the truth that has been buried, destroyed, and lied about for millennia. 

There are three main things I have discovered recently that are not in mainstream consciousness:

1.    All society used to be matrilineal. In case you’ve not heard the term, ‘matrilineal,’ means descending from the mother’s line. Nowadays the majority of societies are patrilineal, descending from the father. A woman is given her father’s name, and when/if she marries, she takes her husband’s name, and the mother’s line is lost. But this did not use to be the case. In our etymology, and in fragments of our earliest documents, we see clues to a past where people followed their mother’s line. Early Chinese dynasties traced their descent from women, and in ancient Greece, Arabia and Rome, decent was originally matrilineal. In Egypt, royalty was transmitted through the female line, up to and after, Cleopatra’s day. Female descent was found among the early Teutons, the Celts, the Picts and Eskimos. There are even societies that remain matrilineal today. A matrilineal belt runs across Africa, and matrilineal societies survive among the Mosuo of China, the Minangkabau of Indonesia, and others.

2.    Communities were centred around women in the matri-clan. This is not matriarchy, as it is commonly perceived, but matricentricity. Society was not dominated women, society was egalitarian, yet mothers were the focal point (aka matrifocal) and made key decisions. In all of our pre-historic societies, organised by the mother’s clan, mothers lived with their brothers and sisters and male spouses came to live with the woman’s family. This arrangement is called matrilocality, as opposed to patrilocality, when the wife goes to live with the husband’s family, as it is in many societies today. In ancient society, Hebrews were originally organised into matri-clans that were also matrilocal. It was also seen among the Goths, and Japan was both matrilineal and matrilocal until the fourteenth century. There are still some places that are matrilocal today, such as some communities in Malawi, and the Hopi and Navajo Native Americans. Yet the majority of those recorded have died out as they have moved gradually to patrilineal, patrilocal, and then to patriarchal society.

3.    We worshipped Goddesses. Before we were told God was male, we celebrated her as a Goddess. The earliest representations of female divinity are vulvas engraved on rocks in the caves of Abri Blanchard, Abri Castanet and La Ferrassie in France during the Aurignacian period. These evolved into statuettes of Goddesses which have been found from 35,000 years ago in Palaeolithic Eurasia, predating pottery. They have been found worldwide from Valdivia and Mesoamerica, to the Fertile Crescent and Neolithic Anatolia, to Jomon Japan. Whilst some seem desperate to dismiss these prolific figurines as pornographic or toys, or translate their femaleness into expressions simply of fertility, their ubiquity implies a more universal mother diety. Their presence is made stark by the fact that there is no trace of any kind of male figure in the Palaeolithic period, or indeed any male idol to be found before the Bronze age. Female-creation stories breathe life into these figurines. Our very earliest creation stories were Goddess myths. From the Sumerian goddess Nammu who created sky and the earth, to the Babylonian goddess Tiamut, who gave birth to gods and goddesses with her consort, to the Dohomey’s goddess Mawu and the Greek Gaia who created the earth, Goddesses were clearly originator creatrices and a central part of our religious past.

When you put these three things together; a world of matrilineal decent, matricentric societies, and extensive Goddess worship, and contrast them with what we see in our world today; patrilineal decent, patrilocality, and major world religions that centre around a male God, we can see how radically different our past must have been. 

The question now is: How did we move from this female focused egalitarian society to a society dominated by men? This is the question I will not rest until I uncover. 

Comment

Marianne’s Articles

On history & pre-history, economics, criminal justice and liberty. Note: she often mentions patriarchy.


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